2.2.3 Training objectives: Contributory factors
2.2.3 Training objectives: Contributory factors
The labour market is a critical mechanism for inclusion and exclusion. Policies to combat labour market exclusion focus on the elimination or reduction in discriminatory practices and improvements in the human and social assets of the poor. Certain groups, most notably women, disabled persons and minority groups, continue to be seriously under-represented in many occupations. Thus, as part of a comprehensive equal opportunities programme, education and training policy can promote more equitable labour market outcomes. This can be done by improving the access of these groups to secondary and tertiary education institutions and, where necessary, by also providing various forms of support once enrolled so as to boost graduation rates. However, the impact (at least in the short term) of these types of programmes on poverty reduction is likely to be fairly minimal because, in most countries, non-poor individuals tend to be the principal beneficiaries. Furthermore, the formal sector absorbs only a small fraction of the economically active labour force (typically 5-20 per cent in most South Asian and sub-Saharan African countries) so that only tiny proportions of the discriminated groups are likely to be affected.
There are two principal types of training provision to counter poverty. First, there are training activities directly targeted at specific groups of EVSE as the principal beneficiaries (e.g. poor farmers, roadside mechanics, women's income generating projects in a certain area). And secondly, there is training that has as its principal objective the improvement of services for the poor provided by institutions, especially those that are central to poverty reduction programmes. Many of these services are intended to improve directly the skills and knowledge of the poor and, as such, they can be considered to be forms of training.
Surprisingly, the literature on training for the poor focuses almost exclusively on the direct provision of training to the poor and largely ignores the role of training in improving the provision of basic services for the poor. This is a serious omission because the failure of many of the services provided by the state to benefit the poor (particularly women in rural areas), is a key characteristic of the 'training crisis' in many developing countries. The main concern here is that occupational structures in key areas of service provision are too top-heavy with a disproportionate number of professionals providing relatively sophisticated services to mainly non-poor, urban clienteles. Attempts in the past to create more bottom-heavy occupational pyramids have invariably been strongly resisted by professional associations and other powerful vested interests (6) (see Box 2).
EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING
PAPERS
43
Learning to change: Skills
development among the
economically vulnerable and
socially excluded in
developing countries
Paul Bennell
Employment and Training Department
International Labour Office Geneva
First published 1999
223 Training objectives Contributory factors - To learn more about this author, visit International Labour Organization's Website.
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Training policy objectives with respect to the poor are frequently poorly defined. Social exclusion is a complex theoretical concept referring to causal mechanisms producing poverty. Translating this concept into practical, poverty reduction policies has proved to be difficult in most countries (see Gore and Figueiredo, 1997).
The labour market is a critical mechanism for inclusion and exclusion. Policies to combat labour market exclusion focus on the elimination or reduction in discriminatory practices and improvements in the human and social assets of the poor. Certain groups, most notably women, disabled persons and minority groups, continue to be seriously under-represented in many occupations. Thus, as part of a comprehensive equal opportunities programme, education and training policy can promote more equitable labour market outcomes. This can be done by improving the access of these groups to secondary and tertiary education institutions and, where necessary, by also providing various forms of support once enrolled so as to boost graduation rates. However, the impact (at least in the short term) of these types of programmes on poverty reduction is likely to be fairly minimal because, in most countries, non-poor individuals tend to be the principal beneficiaries. Furthermore, the formal sector absorbs only a small fraction of the economically active labour force (typically 5-20 per cent in most South Asian and sub-Saharan African countries) so that only tiny proportions of the discriminated groups are likely to be affected.
There are two principal types of training provision to counter poverty. First, there are training activities directly targeted at specific groups of EVSE as the principal beneficiaries (e.g. poor farmers, roadside mechanics, women's income generating projects in a certain area). And secondly, there is training that has as its principal objective the improvement of services for the poor provided by institutions, especially those that are central to poverty reduction programmes. Many of these services are intended to improve directly the skills and knowledge of the poor and, as such, they can be considered to be forms of training.
Surprisingly, the literature on training for the poor focuses almost exclusively on the direct provision of training to the poor and largely ignores the role of training in improving the provision of basic services for the poor. This is a serious omission because the failure of many of the services provided by the state to benefit the poor (particularly women in rural areas), is a key characteristic of the 'training crisis' in many developing countries. The main concern here is that occupational structures in key areas of service provision are too top-heavy with a disproportionate number of professionals providing relatively sophisticated services to mainly non-poor, urban clienteles. Attempts in the past to create more bottom-heavy occupational pyramids have invariably been strongly resisted by professional associations and other powerful vested interests (6) (see Box 2).
EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING
PAPERS
43
Learning to change: Skills
development among the
economically vulnerable and
socially excluded in
developing countries
Paul Bennell
Employment and Training Department
International Labour Office Geneva
First published 1999
223 Training objectives Contributory factors - To learn more about this author, visit International Labour Organization's Website.
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John BrennanJohn Brennan Ed.D. Dr. Brennan is President of Interpersonal Development, LLC, a training and development firm. Interpersonal Development has provided sales training and coaching to more than 3,000 sales reps from over 100 companies. A native of Australia, Dr. Brennan received his doctorate from the University of Rochester. His dissertation researched the effectiveness of Behavioral Modeling Technology in training people in interpersonal skills. While he has spent most of his career designing or delivering training, he was also a Vice-President of Sales of a training and development franchise with operations in 25 markets. Dr. Brennan has designed and delivered sales training in North America, Asia, Europe, Australia and the Middle East. He has been a guest speaker at numerous national and regional professional conferences. When Microsoft wanted Best Practices articles on sales for their web site, they called Dr. Brennan. The results are at http://office.microsoft.com/en-us/FX011387391033.aspx His firm’s clients have included Volvo, The Prudential, Merrill Lynch, Eastman Kodak, Gannett, Equifax Europe, the Economist Group and countless small businesses. - Visit John Brennan's Website |
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