Training policy objectives with respect to the poor are frequently poorly defined. Social exclusion is a complex theoretical concept referring to causal mechanisms producing poverty. Translating this concept into practical, poverty reduction policies has proved to be difficult in most countries (see Gore and Figueiredo, 1997).
The labour market is a critical mechanism for inclusion and exclusion. Policies to combat labour market exclusion focus on the elimination or reduction in discriminatory practices and improvements in the human and social assets of the poor. Certain groups, most notably women, disabled persons and minority groups, continue to be seriously under-represented in many occupations. Thus, as part of a comprehensive equal opportunities programme, education and training policy can promote more equitable labour market outcomes. This can be done by improving the access of these groups to secondary and tertiary education institutions and, where necessary, by also providing various forms of support once enrolled so as to boost graduation rates. However, the impact (at least in the short term) of these types of programmes on poverty reduction is likely to be fairly minimal because, in most countries, non-poor individuals tend to be the principal beneficiaries. Furthermore, the formal sector absorbs only a small fraction of the economically active labour force (typically 5-20 per cent in most South Asian and sub-Saharan African countries) so that only tiny proportions of the discriminated groups are likely to be affected.
There are two principal types of training provision to counter poverty. First, there are training activities directly targeted at specific groups of EVSE as the principal beneficiaries (e.g. poor farmers, roadside mechanics, women's income generating projects in a certain area). And secondly, there is training that has as its principal objective the improvement of services for the poor provided by institutions, especially those that are central to poverty reduction programmes. Many of these services are intended to improve directly the skills and knowledge of the poor and, as such, they can be considered to be forms of training.
Surprisingly, the literature on training for the poor focuses almost exclusively on the direct provision of training to the poor and largely ignores the role of training in improving the provision of basic services for the poor. This is a serious omission because the failure of many of the services provided by the state to benefit the poor (particularly women in rural areas), is a key characteristic of the 'training crisis' in many developing countries. The main concern here is that occupational structures in key areas of service provision are too top-heavy with a disproportionate number of professionals providing relatively sophisticated services to mainly non-poor, urban clienteles. Attempts in the past to create more bottom-heavy occupational pyramids have invariably been strongly resisted by professional associations and other powerful vested interests (6) (see Box 2).
EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING PAPERS 43 Learning to change: Skills development among the economically vulnerable and socially excluded in developing countries Paul Bennell Employment and Training Department International Labour Office Geneva First published 1999
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